Introduction: The Church in a Changing World
The nineteenth and twentieth centuries brought transformations to the church as dramatic as anything since the Reformation—or perhaps since Constantine. The rise of denominationalism, the ecumenical movement, the challenge of theological liberalism, the explosive growth of Pentecostalism, the dramatic shift of Christianity's center of gravity to the Global South, and the collapse of Christendom in the West have all reshaped the ecclesiological landscape in ways that earlier generations could not have imagined.
This lesson surveys these developments—not exhaustively (entire courses could be devoted to each) but with an eye toward the ecclesiological questions they raise for the church today. The goal is to understand the world in which we do ecclesiology, so that our thinking about the church is rooted not only in Scripture and history but in honest awareness of the present moment.
The Rise of Denominationalism
The Reformation shattered the organizational unity of Western Christendom, and the centuries that followed produced an ever-increasing multiplication of churches, traditions, and movements. By the nineteenth century, the denomination—a distinct, organized Christian body with its own confession, polity, and identity—had become the standard unit of Protestant church life.
Denominationalism is a distinctly Protestant phenomenon. The Roman Catholic and Orthodox churches claim to be the church, not a church among many. Protestantism, by contrast, has generally operated on the principle that multiple legitimate expressions of the church can coexist—differing on secondary matters (polity, baptism, worship style) while sharing the core of the gospel.
The denominational system has both strengths and weaknesses. Its strength is that it allows Christians to organize around shared convictions without requiring uniformity on every point. Its weakness is that it can normalize division, fragment the body of Christ into competing brands, and reduce church choice to consumer preference. When a believer chooses a church the way they choose a restaurant—based on personal taste rather than theological conviction—something has gone deeply wrong.
In recent decades, the fastest-growing segment of American Christianity has been "non-denominational" churches. But this label is often misleading. Many non-denominational churches function as de facto denominations—with their own networks, conferences, and informal theological commitments. The difference is that these commitments are typically unwritten, which means they are harder to identify, evaluate, and hold accountable. A church without a confession is not a church without theology; it is a church whose theology is unexamined and unaccountable. This is not an improvement over denominationalism; it is a more dangerous version of it.
Liberalism, Fundamentalism, and the Battle for the Church
The nineteenth century brought a profound theological crisis to the Protestant church: the rise of theological liberalism. Influenced by Enlightenment rationalism, German higher criticism, and Darwinian evolution, liberal theologians like Friedrich Schleiermacher, Albrecht Ritschl, and Adolf von Harnack sought to reinterpret Christianity in terms acceptable to modern thought. Miracles were denied or reinterpreted. The authority of Scripture was undermined. The uniqueness of Christ was relativized. The gospel was reduced to ethical teaching—the "Fatherhood of God and the brotherhood of man."
The ecclesiological impact was devastating. Mainline Protestant denominations— Presbyterians, Methodists, Episcopalians, Congregationalists, Lutherans—were increasingly captured by liberal theology during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Seminaries trained pastors who no longer believed the core doctrines of the faith. Pulpits that had once thundered with the gospel now offered therapeutic moralism. The Social Gospel movement, led by Walter Rauschenbusch, redefined the church's mission as social reform rather than gospel proclamation.
The Fundamentalist-Modernist controversy of the 1920s and 1930s was the direct ecclesiological response. Conservatives fought to retain control of denominations, seminaries, and mission boards. When they lost those battles—as they did in most mainline denominations—many separated to form new institutions: new denominations (the Orthodox Presbyterian Church, the Presbyterian Church in America), new seminaries (Westminster, Fuller, Trinity), and new mission agencies.
The twentieth-century evangelical movement, led by figures like Carl F. H. Henry, Billy Graham, and J. I. Packer, represented a middle way—maintaining conservative theology while engaging with the broader culture more positively than the separatist fundamentalists. The tension between engagement and separation, between cultural influence and doctrinal purity, remains one of the defining ecclesiological challenges for Protestant churches today.
The Ecumenical Movement
The ecumenical movement—the effort to promote unity among divided Christian churches—was one of the most significant ecclesiological developments of the twentieth century. The movement's institutional expression was the World Council of Churches (WCC), founded in 1948 in Amsterdam.
The ecumenical impulse was rooted in genuine biblical concern. Jesus prayed that His followers "may all be one" (John 17:21). The visible disunity of the church is a scandal that undermines the gospel's credibility. Missionaries in the field were especially troubled by denominational competition—different Protestant bodies competing for converts in the same villages while a watching world wondered why Christians could not get along.
However, the ecumenical movement became increasingly problematic from an evangelical perspective. The WCC included churches with widely divergent theologies—liberal, neo-orthodox, and even universalist. Unity was pursued at the expense of doctrinal clarity. Social and political activism increasingly displaced gospel proclamation as the movement's focus. Many evangelicals concluded that the ecumenical movement's vision of unity was not the unity Jesus prayed for—which is unity in the truth—but an organizational unity that papered over fundamental theological disagreements.
Evangelicals have generally pursued unity through cooperative efforts rather than institutional merger. Organizations like the Lausanne Movement (founded 1974) and the World Evangelical Alliance have brought together evangelicals from many denominations around shared commitments to the authority of Scripture, the uniqueness of Christ, and the priority of evangelism. This model of unity—cooperation around the gospel without organizational uniformity—represents the dominant evangelical approach to the question of Christian unity today.
Pentecostalism and the Charismatic Movement
No ecclesiological survey of the modern era is complete without addressing Pentecostalism—the fastest-growing segment of global Christianity. From its origins in the Azusa Street Revival (Los Angeles, 1906), Pentecostalism has grown to over 600 million adherents worldwide, transforming the face of Christianity in Africa, Latin America, and Asia.
Pentecostalism's ecclesiological distinctives include an emphasis on the baptism of the Holy Spirit (often evidenced by speaking in tongues), the active exercise of spiritual gifts (prophecy, healing, words of knowledge), dynamic and participatory worship, and a strong lay empowerment ethos. Pentecostal churches tend to be congregational in polity, led by charismatic pastors, and intensely focused on evangelism and church planting.
The Charismatic movement (1960s onward) brought Pentecostal emphases into mainline Protestant and Roman Catholic churches— producing "charismatic" Episcopalians, Presbyterians, Baptists, and Catholics who embraced spiritual gifts while remaining within their existing traditions.
From a Reformed perspective, Pentecostalism raises important ecclesiological questions. Its emphasis on the Spirit's power is a needed corrective to rationalistic Protestantism. But its tendency toward personality-driven leadership, its occasional neglect of doctrinal precision, its susceptibility to the prosperity gospel, and its sometimes uneasy relationship with the historic creeds and confessions represent genuine concerns.
The Global Shift: Christianity Moves South
Perhaps the most consequential ecclesiological fact of the past century is the dramatic relocation of Christianity's center of gravity from the North Atlantic to the Global South—Africa, Asia, and Latin America. In 1900, over 80% of the world's Christians lived in Europe and North America. Today, the majority of the world's Christians live in the Global South, and the percentages continue to shift dramatically.
This shift has enormous ecclesiological implications. The "typical" Christian in the world today is not a middle-class European or North American; she is a young African woman, a Chinese house-church member, or a Brazilian Pentecostal. The theological conversations, worship styles, and ecclesiological concerns of the Global South church are different from those of the Western church—often more conservative, more charismatic, more communal, and more comfortable with the supernatural.
"After this I looked, and behold, a great multitude that no one could number, from every nation, from all tribes and peoples and languages, standing before the throne and before the Lamb."
— Revelation 7:9Western Christians must resist the temptation to view the global church through a Western lens. The church's catholicity means that no single culture owns Christianity. The explosive growth of the church in Africa and Asia is not an anomaly to be explained; it is the fulfillment of God's promise to Abraham that through his seed "all the families of the earth shall be blessed" (Genesis 12:3). The future of the church is global, diverse, and multi-centered.
The Collapse of Christendom in the West
While Christianity explodes in the Global South, it is contracting rapidly in the West. Europe has become the most secularized continent on earth. Church attendance in most of Western Europe has fallen below 10%—and in some countries, below 5%. The United States, long considered an exception to the secularization thesis, is now following the same trajectory: the "nones" (those claiming no religious affiliation) have risen from 6% in 1991 to over 30% today, with the sharpest declines among young adults.
The collapse of Christendom—the end of the cultural assumption that Western society is Christian—has profound ecclesiological implications. The church can no longer assume cultural support. It can no longer count on nominal members showing up out of social obligation. It can no longer expect its moral vision to be shared by the surrounding culture. For the first time in over a thousand years, the Western church is becoming a minority community in a culture that is indifferent or hostile to its claims.
The collapse of Christendom is not entirely bad news. Nominal Christianity— church membership as a social convention rather than a spiritual commitment— was always a distortion of the New Testament vision. As cultural Christianity fades, what remains is a church that has chosen to be there—a community of genuine believers rather than cultural conformists. The end of Christendom may produce a smaller but healthier church—one that looks more like the New Testament church than the Christendom church ever did. The church has been a minority before. It has thrived as a minority before. And the gates of hell have never prevailed against it.
Conclusion: The Church in the Twenty-First Century
The modern church finds itself at a hinge moment in history. The Christendom model that has shaped Western Christianity for sixteen centuries is ending. The denominational structures that organized Protestant life for three centuries are weakening. The center of global Christianity is shifting to the South. New questions—about digital church, multi-site models, the role of social media, the relationship between church and identity politics—demand ecclesiological reflection that the Reformers could not have anticipated.
But the foundations have not changed. The church is still the body of Christ. The Word is still preached. The sacraments are still administered. The Spirit still gathers, sustains, and sends God's people. The gates of hell still do not prevail. The questions of the twenty-first century are new; the resources for answering them—Scripture, the apostolic faith, the communion of saints across the ages—are as old as the church itself.
The story of the church in history is not merely a story about the past. It is a story we are living in and continuing to write. Understanding where the church has been is essential for understanding where it is going—and for faithfully fulfilling our place in the eternal plan of the God who said, "I will build my church, and the gates of hell shall not prevail against it" (Matthew 16:18).
"Jesus Christ is the same yesterday and today and forever."
— Hebrews 13:8Discussion Questions
- The lesson describes the rise of non-denominational churches as 'a church without a confession' whose theology is 'unexamined and unaccountable.' Do you agree with this assessment? What are the strengths and weaknesses of non-denominational church identity compared to confessional denominational identity?
- Pentecostalism is the fastest-growing segment of global Christianity, with over 600 million adherents. What can the Reformed tradition learn from Pentecostalism's emphasis on the Spirit, lay empowerment, and dynamic worship? What concerns does the Reformed tradition rightly raise about Pentecostal ecclesiology?
- The lesson argues that the collapse of Christendom in the West may produce 'a smaller but healthier church.' Do you find this perspective encouraging or troubling? What practical changes should a local church make as it transitions from a culturally supported institution to a countercultural community in a post-Christian society?